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''01:41:04'' | ''01:41:04'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': In a different idiom and done by people who were genuinely supported by large segments of society. Now this is not to say that there was no reaction. Now this is where we come toâ | ||
''01:41:23'' | ''01:41:23'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Yeah. | ||
''01:41:23'' | ''01:41:23'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âpreference falsification and the bubble that I lived in, so on, weâll get to this. So, there are, of course, people who are illiterate, have no contact with the West, who are very religious, theyâre suddenly being told by their leaders that they donât have a religious identity, theyâre now Turks, what unites everybody is Turkishness, not religion, that they and the Christian and Jewish minorities are equal not only before the law but also morally. And theyâre all Turkish, theyâre to accept this. The education is completely secularized, their religion is no longer being taught. Thatâs, if you learn religion in the family, thatâs fine, thatâs your business, just donât, but the regime is telling you, donât make that public. And increasingly, this new regime is radicalizing itself. So this is building, now you have a self-sustaining, self-reinforcing system of secularization, where people are trying to outbid each other in being secular in publicâ | ||
''01:42:54'' | ''01:42:54'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': How much toward Western modernity? | ||
''01:42:56'' | ''01:42:56'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': How Western you can look in your dress. | ||
''01:43:00'' | ''01:43:00'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': Right | '''Eric Weinstein''': Right. | ||
''01:43:00'' | ''01:43:00'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': How Western you can be in the way you interpret history, how Western you can be in not being Muslim. So people start falsifying their preferences in the direction of being secular. So people who are actually personally religious turn religion into a private matter. They do not fast in public or at least in ways that are noticeable. So during Ramadan, | '''Timur Kuran''': How Western you can be in the way you interpret history, how Western you can be in not being Muslim. So people start falsifying their preferences in the direction of being secular. So people who are actually personally religious turn religion into a private matter. They do not fast in public or at least in ways that are noticeable. So during Ramadan, Islam allows you, if you miss a day during Ramadan, you can, for whatever reason, because youâre traveling, you can substitute for it and it gives you a lot of freedom to do that. So people would, there were people, and we find this through memoirs, we know about this through memoirs that were published posthumously, because they couldnât express themselves, they couldnât say this is happening, this was happening among top-level, among some people who were among AtatĂŒrkâs closest associates who were religious, but who could not have a religious persona. | ||
''01:44:15'' | ''01:44:15'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': So while the West is cheering for | '''Eric Weinstein''': So while the West is cheering for Turkeyâs modernization, and lots of this is positive, we start sewing this sort of weird undercurrent where people who are genuinely religious are being repressed. | ||
''01:44:30'' | ''01:44:30'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': People who are | '''Timur Kuran''': People who are genuinely religious are being repressed and people who are appearing religious in public are denied jobs, are denied promotion opportunities. This is not happening explicitly. There are no rules that in any government agency or in any major corporation, that if you are religious and if you are using prayer beads, you know, when youâre sitting at the meeting and giving people a sense that youâre religious, that this is going to hurt you. But itâs well understood by everybody that if you want to advance in the society now, you have to appear irreligious. This is generating a lot of resentment. And thereâs also a void that the nationalist mythology creates that itâs not satisfying to people, it doesnât emotionally resonate with some people who want some religion. So you have a lot of religious, we might call religious preference falsification, and eventually Turkey becomes, after a period of secularists, we can only call dictatorship or autocracy, maybe benevolent dictatorship, eventually becomes a multiparty democracy. And as you would expect in a democracy, politicians, aspiring politicians, notice the existence of a constituency, of a privately religious constituency that would like to be freer in publicizing its religiosity, and would like to avoid discrimination theyâre facing. | ||
''01:46:40'' | ''01:46:40'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': So before we get to that one component, I just want to check to see that my understanding is correct as an outsider | '''Eric Weinstein''': So before we get to that one component, I just want to check to see that my understanding is correct as an outsider. Is that a weird thing for Westerners to understand is that secularism and supposed modernity is guaranteed not by the democracy but by the army? | ||
''01:46:59'' | ''01:46:59'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': Yes, so | '''Timur Kuran''': Yes, so this is happening. The army has a special position in Turkish society and it owes that to its enormous victories following World War One and the fact that practically all the leading modernizers were trained in military schools. So the army is considered the protector of the, itâs part of the checks and balances of the system. That if the system goes off track, the military has a right to intervene, to step in and knock some heads of the politicians and push out the people who have caused trouble and restart the system. And this is, in fact, so you do start getting political parties with the military in the background, you do start getting political parties that start catering to the needs and desires and visions of the pious people, the privately religious, some of them also publicly religious, but some of them publicly irreligious people, and these parties start advancing and they start gradually altering the discourse. And things that were unthinkable to say during AtatĂŒrkâs lifetime or the lifetime of the next president, İnönĂŒ, start being said publicly and gradually the support of these parties grows. The military intervenes several times when it sees that secularism is being challenged too dangerously from their perspective, they intervene for a few years, the secularists remain dominant, but thenâ | ||
''01:49:16'' | ''01:49:16'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': The horse keeps coming back. | ||
''01:49:17'' | ''01:49:17'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âthe horse keeps coming back and every time it comes back, itâs even stronger. So we get through this process, we come to the ErdoÄan era. ErdoÄan forms, with a number of other people, belongs to what is even today a very extreme Islamist party, thatâs where its roots are, a party that favors an Islamic common market and reducing contacts with the West dramatically, a return to many old cultural forms, and so on. But ErdoÄan sensed that they could never come to power if they maintained those extreme positions, that yes, they had a core constituency of 10-12%, but they couldnât grow much beyond that. But if they advocated greater religious freedoms without threatening the secularists and others, that they could actually have a winning majority. | ||
''01:50:48'' | ''01:50:48'' | ||
| Line 988: | Line 988: | ||
''01:50:50'' | ''01:50:50'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': And so he formed a new party, which is the AK | '''Timur Kuran''': And so he formed a new party, which is the AK Parti. AK is the acronym, AK means white in Turkish, it was very clever, a clever acronym, clever name for a party. The real name is Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, Justice and Development Party, and the development was to reassure the business elite that they were committed to development, and justice could mean many things to the different groups, but to his core constituency, it meant we would get religious freedoms. And so when he first came to power, he gave the impression that he was going to expand the freedoms of the pious masses. | ||
''01:51:57'' | ''01:51:57'' | ||
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''01:51:58'' | ''01:51:58'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': Without taking away the freedoms of the secularists | '''Timur Kuran''': Without taking away the freedoms of the secularists. | ||
''01:52:02'' | ''01:52:02'' | ||
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''01:52:04'' | ''01:52:04'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': At this point I became very mystified because I was watching it from here, and there was this phrase that was invariant in American news, the mildly Islamist | '''Eric Weinstein''': At this point, I became very mystified because I was watching it from here, and there was this phrase that was invariant in American news, the mildly Islamist AK Party. And I kept hearing that and I wanted to get the wax out of my ears. What do you mean mildly Islamist? | ||
''01:52:22'' | ''01:52:22'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': So mildly Islamist was, it was never a good choice of terminology. | ||
''01:52:31'' | ''01:52:31'' | ||
| Line 1,020: | Line 1,020: | ||
''01:52:32'' | ''01:52:32'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': But what they meant was that this was a party that had certain Islamist goals | '''Timur Kuran''': But what they meant was that this was a party that had certain Islamist goals, it pursued those, but in moderation and without doing damage to the rest of society. And this is precisely what ErdoÄan did, and it was, in fact, under his watch in his first few years as prime minister, that Turkey formally applied to join the European Union. And this was something the party he came from, the extreme party, this was one of theirâ | ||
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''01:53:13'' | ''01:53:13'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Anathema. | ||
''01:53:14'' | ''01:53:14'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âabsolutely anathema to them. They wanted not only not to join the common market, they wanted to reduce trade with them, their party platform said that they would do most of their trade with the Arab world and the Muslim world. Now what exactly they would be buying from the Arab world and where they would get their machinery and this and that, this wasâ | ||
''01:53:35'' | ''01:53:35'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Who knows. | ||
''01:53:36'' | ''01:53:36'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âwho knows, this was one of those things that nobody could, getting back to truncated public discourse within that milieu, you never asked this question, you know, how this was gonna work out. | ||
''01:53:48'' | ''01:53:48'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': You were as a secular Turk from the western part of the country | '''Eric Weinstein''': You were, as a secular Turk from the western part of the country thatâs very modern, did not see this sort of welling up of preference falsification particularly concentrated in eastern, in the Anatolian region. | ||
''01:54:04'' | ''01:54:04'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': I | '''Timur Kuran''': I didnât, growing up in Istanbul and growing up in a family that was part of this westernization movement. My paternal grandfather fought in the Ottoman army and then in the Turkish War of Independence. During that process, while he was taken prisoner by the British and spent some time as an officer as a British prisoner, he came to appreciate the strengths of Western society, he used that time to try to understand why the British had stronger armies than the Turks, tried to understand what it is that made them invent weapons that the Turks had not, where several centuries before this wasnât the case. And he became convinced that AtatĂŒrk and the people around him who wanted to westernize Turkey, make Turkey anchor in the West, they were 100% right. After the War of Independence, he resigned from the army, became a contractor, worked for the government for the rest of his life, supported AtatĂŒrkâs party, the Peopleâs Republican Party, was, to the end of his life, a committed westernizer, as was my father, as were all my close relatives. I didnât, I grew up in a milieu where people didnât falsify their preferences. People were truthful, they supported the government, supported the directionâ | ||
''01:56:10'' | ''01:56:10'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': They wereâ | ||
''01:56:10'' | ''01:56:10'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âof the country because they approved of this. | ||
''01:56:13'' | ''01:56:13'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': âand it was a, what they didnât know was that in part, it was a bubble. | ||
''01:56:18'' | ''01:56:18'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': But they | '''Timur Kuran''': But what they didnât know was that it was a bubble, and what they didnât appreciate, of course, they did appreciate that there was resistance, and there were, in the decades from the 1920s to the 1970s, 80s, there had been minor rebellions in parts of eastern Turkey. It was understood that there were people who objected to the countryâs direction, but it was also understood that they lived in poor parts of the country. They represented, it was the interpretation was, they represent the past, as Turkey gets more and more educated, they will fade into the past. The next generation will not support them. So this is a transitory problem. So itâs not that I didnât understand that there were people who objected to the direction of the country, and that when they migrated to Istanbul, they brought some of those ideas with them. There were people in poor communities in Istanbul, in the shanty towns, who pretended, when they worked for major corporations or worked for the post office or the government, they actually supported the countryâs direction, but they didnât do it. This much I understood, but I thought that this was a minor transitory phenomenon. This was not something deeply felt by large numbers of people that could actually change the trajectory of the country. This is something that I missed. And thereâs a lesson in this that, if I may, just for a moment, jump backâ | ||
''01:58:23'' | ''01:58:23'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': To the United States. | ||
''01:58:24'' | ''01:58:24'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âearlier, jump back to the United States, in the bubbles that we have here, in our bubbles on the left and bubbles on the right, we have people who are talking to each other and just donât realize how many people there are who donât agree with them and who have very good reasons of their own for thinking differently about certain issues. | ||
''01:58:58'' | ''01:58:58'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': If you take it in the US, the Anatolia would be analogized to the middle of the country in someâ | ||
''01:59:05'' | ''01:59:05'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': Flyover states. | ||
''01:59:06'' | ''01:59:06'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': Yeah. Well, I never | '''Eric Weinstein''': Yeah. Well, I never use that term because I just detest it. But yesâ | ||
''01:59:09'' | ''01:59:09'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': Soâ | ||
''01:59:09'' | ''01:59:09'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': no, no | '''Eric Weinstein''': âno, no, no. | ||
''01:59:10'' | ''01:59:10'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âbut it means something toâ | ||
''01:59:13'' | ''01:59:13'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': To coastal elites, and then theâ | ||
''01:59:15'' | ''01:59:15'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': The coastalâ | ||
''01:59:15'' | ''01:59:15'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': âcoastal elites is how the middle of the country demonizes the edges. | ||
''01:59:19'' | ''01:59:19'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': Yeah | '''Timur Kuran''': Yeah. | ||
''01:59:19'' | ''01:59:19'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': But more than anything, you know, itâs not until you start seeing the headscarves coming out of a BMW that you realize that your picture is, in some sense, not an accurate one, that people are quite well-to-do, that they are coming at this from a cultural perspective that you may not understand. And thatâ | ||
''01:59:41'' | ''01:59:41'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': Well, this is where the whole preference falsification starts coming in at various levels, because now the genuinely religious people start gaining political powerâ | ||
''01:59:56'' | ''01:59:56'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Right. | ||
''01:59:56'' | ''01:59:56'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âand of course, with that political power comes government contracts, comes a reduction in the various regulations that prevented you from getting rich. So there are a lot of people who are culturally conservative that become richâ | ||
''02:00:15'' | ''02:00:15'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Right. | ||
''02:00:16'' | ''02:00:16'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âand so then you start seeing they start buying BMWs and they start, you know, and you start seeing people wearing headscarves in BMWs, driving BMWs, you start seeing increasingly elegant headscarves. Whereas initially, the party that built up this movement promoted a version of Islam that involved modestyâ | ||
''02:00:46'' | ''02:00:46'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Cloth-coat Republicans would be anâ | ||
''02:00:48'' | ''02:00:48'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âyeah, modesty, and they wouldnât, you know, they wouldnât be flaunting their wealth and so on. Well, we get to a point gradually where those who get rich start spending the money on increasingly expensive cars, more and more expensive headscarves, and you get to the point where, flash forward to the present, where you have a president whoâs living in the largest presidential palace in the world, 1100 rooms, he has something like 15-20, I forget the exact number, private planes, flaunts his luxury. All the lead members of the government and people close to them all drive cars or have cars driven for them by chauffeurs that are, whatâs, whatâs that? | ||
''02:01:49'' | ''02:01:49'' | ||
| Line 1,156: | Line 1,148: | ||
''02:01:50'' | ''02:01:50'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': Well this is something that in Turkey is difficult to discuss. If you discuss it | '''Timur Kuran''': Well, this is something that in Turkey is difficult to discuss. If you discuss it, it can get you in trouble. Anything involving the presidentâs finances, how he spends his money, or how his consumption is over the top can get you in trouble. There are many journalists who are in jail at the moment for saying this, but you get this, not here, we get into another form of preference falsification within the AK Parti movement. Now these religious, the people who wanted to advance religious freedoms, we jumped over one phase which I should come back to now, which is that ErdoÄan, as he expands religious freedoms initially, he doesnât take away any freedoms from the secularists. He doesnât reduce their opportunities to drink if they want to drink. He doesnât try to close down restaurants during Ramadan, if youâre not religious and you want to have lunch during Ramadan, fine. That was ErdoÄan during his first few years. But during this time, he is gradually chipping away at the checks and balances of the system. And the thing, ultimately, that he needs to get rid of is the power of the military to essentially remove a government, this was something that was in the Constitution. | ||
''02:02:34'' | ''02:02:34'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': Now | '''Eric Weinstein''': Now Iâm going to make a parallel here that I wanted to see whether youâre going to go or you wonât. | ||
''02:03:43'' | ''02:03:43'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': Yes | '''Timur Kuran''': Yes. | ||
''02:03:43'' | ''02:03:43'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': In some ways, I view the military in Turkey as having played a role similar to the sense-making apparatus in our universities and our newspapers as the guarantors, the sort of meta-guarantors of a stable democracy, and that my serious concern about the United States is that we are headed down a path that we cannot imagine actually ends in literal dictatorship of some as-yet-unknown form, as we lose the thing that eroded that dictatorial impulse. So what I see is, I see our newspapers, our universities, our political parties, this institutional class that was supposed to be, quite honestly, somewhat elite and somewhat above the fray, increasingly become this completely untrustworthy, weakened version, and where ErdoÄan was weakening the military as the guarantor of secularism, which was in the process of overreaching, our situation is that our sense-making apparatus is weakening itself because its economics is starting to crumble. | ||
''02:04:55'' | ''02:04:55'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': I think that there are parallels | '''Timur Kuran''': I think that there are parallels, weâll come back to this and maybe finish the Turkish case. So what ErdoÄan does, I think itâs important for readers and watchers to understand this, he disarms the secularists and makes many secularists, divides the secularists, and peels off enough of them by making them feel that he will perfect Turkish democracy by getting rid of the role of the military, by pushing the military out of politics through a referendum, by actually changing the Constitution. And you need the country to vote on a newâ | ||
''02:05:42'' | ''02:05:42'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': So having a military to guarantee a secular democracy was always a little bit of a kind of a dirty solution? | ||
''02:05:48'' | ''02:05:48'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': It | '''Timur Kuran''': It was a dirty solution, it was something that didnât, and ErdoÄan would always say this, âThis is not being Western.â I mean, this was ErdoÄan trying to remove this check on his power by appearing Western. And he convinced enough secular people, the referendum passed by, I think, 50 and a half to 49 and a half or something, got through this, and the margin, the 5% margin that he needed, came from secularists. And I have many friends who voted for him, saying, âErdoÄan, we hate to say this, but he is the one bringing true Western democracy. You cannot have a democracy, have you ever heard, point, show me one European country where the military has the power that it has in Turkey. Yes, the problems with ErdoÄan, weâll deal with that within democracy. But letâs get, this is our opportunityââ | ||
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''02:06:59'' | ''02:06:59'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': This is, in the US context, I find that both Trump and AOC are telling me some of the things that have an inexorable logic that no one will say, and | '''Eric Weinstein''': This is, in the US context, I find that both Trump and AOC are telling me some of the things that have an inexorable logic that no one will say, and Iâm watching my friends peeled off in both directions towards Trump and AOC. And I keep sort of saying, âDonât you see whatâs coming next in both of those situations?â But thereâs something about this kind of appeal to it, itâs almost kind of a self-hating nature of the secular, or maybe that would be more in the case of AOC. And this is sort of appeal to, âOh, well, weâll just let Trump in to do enough mischief to shake things up.â And I keep thinking that these entreaties are clearly going to go to super dangerous places, which I canât convince either side. | ||
''02:07:52'' | ''02:07:52'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': Well, | '''Timur Kuran''': Well, the parallel here is that ErdoÄan was removing one of the checks and balances in Turkish democracy and preventing it from going in any ideological direction towards dictatorshipâ | ||
''02:08:17'' | ''02:08:17'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Right. | ||
''02:08:18'' | ''02:08:18'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âhe removed this without putting in place some other checks and balancesâ | ||
''02:08:26'' | ''02:08:26'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Perfectly said. | ||
''02:08:27'' | ''02:08:27'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': ânow, so hereâs the parallel with the United States. We have right now two extreme groups that hate each other, that consider the other side inhuman, and who are willing to suspend all sorts of democratic checks and balances to defeat the other side. Trump is doing this, and AOC would like to do this as well. And there are various things that are happening in society that are the equivalent of that. And theyâre leading us toward a dictatorship of one kind or another. | ||
''02:09:14'' | ''02:09:14'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': Well, and there are very few people who are willing to say | '''Eric Weinstein''': Well, and there are very few people who are willing to say, âI can see this problem, both of these are saying things that resonate with me, both of them are presenting dangers,â and thereâs no place to go to say, âHey, our problem is our extremists and our exploitative entrepreneurs who are seeing the turmoil in the country and offering us these solutions.â Because what I see is, I see bravery and courage on the extremes and cowardice in the middle. And there is no kind of courageous moderate perspective that says, âWhat are we talking about giving up all of this great stuff that defined our country so quickly at the first sign of trouble?â | ||
''02:10:02'' | ''02:10:02'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': Yes. And yes, we donât have, and within American politics today, the hope is that within the Democratic Party, there will be some moderate candidate who will say what you have just said and defend compromising with the other side and defend moderate solutions, admit openly the complexity of various issues and start a conversation on how we prioritize solving these problems. Whatâs happening is that all of the candidates are afraid of crossing, in the case of the Democratic Party, AOC and the people around her, and so they are not saying the things that could actually form a counter-coalition. And the party is being driven to an extreme. And the people at the extreme, including AOC and her squad, think of many of Trumpâs supporters in the same way that ardent Trump supporters think of AOCâ | ||
''02:11:32'' | ''02:11:32'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': And thereâs an interval way in which I agree with both of their verdicts about the other, in that the extremes of Trumpism and the extremes of this sort of justice-based thinking that throws out civil society, I have to say that I understand the fear of closed borders, of open borders, of people just saying such dumb stuff with no adults anywhere in sight. | ||
''02:12:03'' | ''02:12:03'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': And nobody pointing out the implications, laying out all the implications of any of these, whether itâs completely closed borders, having no immigration, orâ | ||
''02:12:19'' | ''02:12:19'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Which would never happen, or totally open borders, which canât ever happen. | ||
''02:12:23'' | ''02:12:23'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âwhich can never happen. And most Americans believe in a policy package somewhere in betweenâ | ||
''02:12:37'' | ''02:12:37'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Wellâ | ||
''02:12:37'' | ''02:12:37'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âthat involves some immigrationâ | ||
''02:12:40'' | ''02:12:40'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Right. | ||
''02:12:41'' | ''02:12:41'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': âwith restrictions, with certain rules. Theyâre not for closed borders or open borders, so you cannot be a xenophileâ | ||
''02:12:55'' | ''02:12:55'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Well, so Iâve been trying to figure out, thereâs a game that gets played by demographers who are trying to help a candidate get elected, which is, can we identify a sector of the electorate that nobodyâs found yet that can be swayed? So soccer moms was an example of one of these demographic discoveries. Another one was the exurb. So you had rural, you had suburban, but nobody noticed that before you got to urban from rural, there was the exurb between rural and suburban, and that had a voting bloc. To me, one of the largest voting blocks, which is there for anybodyâI talk about this all the time, and itâs amazing to watch people falsify that it even existsâI call it xenophilic restrictionism. People who are fascinated by other cultures, theyâve got foreign friends, theyâre interested in having immigrants as being a vital part of our society, but theyâre not coked up on this sort of beautiful, nonsensical dream at the base of the Statue of Liberty, which somehow has this mystical hold on immigration expansionism. Now, of course, immigration expansionism is a weapon for transfer of wealth among Americans. That is, if you can selectively open borders and increase certain groupsâ share of the pie, George Borjas has showed mechanisms by which you can transfer wealth, claiming to take a tiny little bit of efficiency called a Harberger triangle, but what youâre really trying to do is transfer a giant amount of wealth, which we might call the Borjas rectangle, from American labor to American capital. Now, you canât have that conversation about the misuse of immigration as a tool of transfer because our media will instantly set upon you and say, âWell, the only reason youâre talking about restricting immigration is your hatred of foreigners, and you canât disguise it from me, restrictionistââ | ||
''02:14:35'' | ''02:14:35'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': | '''Timur Kuran''': ârestrictionist, so that cannot exist, by definition it cannot exist. | ||
''02:14:54'' | ''02:14:54'' | ||
'''Eric Weinstein''': | '''Eric Weinstein''': Right, of course, because in this, I introduced this thing called the four-quadrant model, and the idea is that the media, in particular, enforces a narrative that all restrictionism, 100%, essentially, is motivated by fear of foreigners. And then you get to fear of brown people and fear of people who are not like us or people with accents. And it is the largest, dumbest lie. | ||
''02:15:22'' | ''02:15:22'' | ||
'''Timur Kuran''': That is a huge lie. And even you could minorities talk about brown people and black people | '''Timur Kuran''': That is a huge lie. And even, you could, minorities talk about brown people and black people, many of them would be among the people hurt by open borders. | ||
''02:15:37'' | ''02:15:37'' | ||